Reasons why "percent plans" won't work for college admissions
nationwide
Three statesTexas, California and Floridahave
tried a percentage plan based upon high school class rank for admission
to their public universities. Under these plans, a fixed percentage
of the graduating class of each high school in the state is guaranteed
admission to one or more universities in the state system. The plans
are intended to replace race-conscious admissions systems while still
achieving the goal of racial diversity in the student body. Below
is a collection of arguments about why these alternatives are not
workable as a nationwide model, and citation of some supporting research
analyzing the results of these plans.
Percent plans select high school students
solely on the basis of their comparative ranking with classmates,
discounting their leadership abilities, extracurricular activities,
teacher recommendations, and all other individual characteristics
that universities are interested in measuring. These admissions programs
fail to see students as whole people, and reflect a completely impoverished
way of evaluating their capabilities and potential contributions to
the classroom experience or society.
The United States brief in support of the plaintiffs
claims that percent plans would allow consideration of a "far
broader array of qualifications and characteristics" of applicants,
but this is precisely what an admissions system based on class rank
ignores.
The plans work in enrolling minority students
only because many high schools remain racially segregated, and therefore
admitting the top percentage of minority high schools guarantees some
number of minority students. The plans may, in fact, encourage continuing
or increased segregation at the high school level. It is wrong to
endorse segregation as a formal system and to base our public policy
upon it. On the contrary, we should be working to eradicate segregation
from our school systems.
According to a study just released by the Harvard
Civil Rights Project, our nation's schools are becoming ever
more segregated. "The desegregation of black students...has
now receded to levels not seen in three decades," the study
notes. "Black students are experiencing the most rapid resegregation
in the South...and all progress integrating public schools since
the 1960s has now been erased." Latino students are the most
segregated minority group, the study says, "with steadily rising
segregation since federal data was first collected a third of a century
ago." Latino students are segregated by race, poverty, and increasingly
by language.
Asians, the report notes, are "the most integrated
and the most educationally successful group in American schools."
White students are the most segregated group of all, and "interact
with few nonwhite students except in the South and Southwest."
The demographics of each state are different,
and the results of these plans in various states would be uneven at
best. California, Texas and Florida have large minority populations,
while other states do not. In Michigan, for example, most underrepresented
high schools are in rural, largely white areas of the state.
Native Americans are always a very small minority in school districts,
and are left out entirely by this approach to diversity. Depending
upon the demographics of various states, Hispanic American and African
American students also may find themselves in this predicament in
some regions of the country.
These plans cannot create diversity in graduate
and professional programs such as law school and medical school.
These plans take away the judgment of educators
as to whether individual students are academically qualified for the
level of work required at each college. Students in the top 10 percent
of failing schools may be unprepared for college-level work and may
require remedial support.
For example, the University of Chicago has found
that valedictorians from many disadvantaged schools in Chicago cannot
succeed during the first year at the university because they are unprepared
for the rigors of the academic program there. A Chronicle of Higher
Education analysis of Florida data from 1997-98 showed that students
at 75 of Florida's high schools could have carried a C+ average
and still have ranked in the top fifth of their class.
In the United States brief filed with the Supreme
Court in the Grutter case (p. 17), the Justice Department argues that
"public universities can address the desire for broad representation
directly by...easing admissions requirements for all students."
Plans that rely solely on class rank encourage
students to avoid hard classes and more competitive schools at the
high school level, in order to superficially improve their GPA and
class rank. University of Michigan pays close attention to the quality
of the student's high school and the challenging nature of the
student's high school curriculum. These criteria would be eliminated
under a percentage plan.
Percent plans based on high school rank are
unfair to high-achieving students attending competitive high schools.
Students who are extremely well prepared to take advantage of the
opportunities at the most selective colleges and universities may
be excluded from admission under these systems.
Consider this example from Florida cited by the
Chronicle of Higher Education in a June 2, 2000, article: Mike Joseph
and Leah Burton are two black seniors from Miami high schools. Joseph
has a 4.0 GPA but takes less rigorous courses, and has a 1000 out
of 1600 on the SAT. He ranks fourth in a class of 370 at one of the
weakest schools in the city. Burton attends a competitive high school,
where she ranks 213 out of 364. She is studying for three Advanced
Placement exams, has a 3.9 GPA in a high-level curriculum, and an
1150 on the SAT. Under Florida's "Talented 20" program,
Joseph would be admitted to the state's public university system
and Burton would not.
According to the Jan. 24, 2003, Detroit News, some
students at Texas's competitive Westlake High School "have
transferred to a less-competitive school so they will rise to the
top of their new class."
The plans only work for universities that
admit primarily from a statewide population. Public and private colleges
and universities that recruit students from a national and international
pool cannot apply this model to select their student bodies. At Michigan,
for example, one-third of the student body comes from outside the
state, and most of the Latino students who enroll are not Michigan
residents. Over half of the applicants for Michigan's freshman
class are from out of state, while only 11% of applicants to the University
of Texas at Austin are nonresidents.
The plans rely to some extent on a statewide
university system, so that if students are not able to attend one
university in the system they can enroll in another. The University
of Michigan, like many other state schools and all private colleges,
is not part of a system. There is nowhere else the U-M can guarantee
admission if applicants exceed available spaces in its freshman class.
Requiring states to adopt such plans, therefore, would force some
states to alter radically the entire structure of their higher education
systems.
In operation, the plans fail to improve minority
representation at the most selective campuses such as University of
California at Berkeley, UCLA, University of Texas at Austin, University
of Florida and Florida State University.
In Texas, for example, from 1996 (the year before
affirmative action was outlawed) to 2001, a U.S. Civil Rights Commission
study found that the number of black students applying to UT Austin
increased 24%, but the proportion of black applicants admitted decreased
by 19%. The number of applications from Hispanic students increased
by 20% but the proportion of those admitted declined by 15%.
Despite the percent plans, minority enrollment at
UT Austin is still lower today than prior to the Hopwood decision
prohibiting the consideration of race, and both blacks and Hispanics
continue to be underrepresented. Blacks made up only 3.4% and Hispanics
14.3% of the entering freshman class at UT Austin in Fall 2002. The
population of Texas is 11.5% black and 32% Hispanic.
A study of Texas college admissions published in
January 2003 by faculty at Princeton, the University of Iowa and UT
Austin found similar results. The authors write that "the top
ten percent admission policy is not an alternative to affirmative
action and by itself can achieve only minimal campus diversity, even
in the presence of high levels of school segregation."
In California, the Civil Rights Commission study
found, proportionally fewer racial minorities apply or enroll in the
state university system than in 1995, when the state banned consideration
of race in admissions. In particular, the chances of admissions dropped
for minority students at the Los Angeles, Berkeley and San Diego campuses.
Percent plans do not address the issue of
financial aid targeted to minority students. According to the Jan.
17, 2003, Houston Chronicle, "while minority students with high
grade point averages are guaranteed admission to [Texas] universities,
they often can't afford to attend." The Houston paper
noted that the Hopwood decision outlawed scholarships based on race
along with race-conscious admissions. However, UT "now offers
scholarships to specific schools that happen to be dominated by minority
students."
Percent plans, if motivated by a desire to
achieve racial diversity, may themselves be subject to constitutional
scrutiny. Because they rely on residential and educational segregation
patterns, they are not really "race-neutral." They are
a less direct and less effective method of reaching the same goal.
Indeed, these programs operate much more like set-asides or quotas
than the U-M admissions programs.
Many opponents of affirmative action challenge these
programs as well. Said University of California Regent Ward Connerly
in the June 2, 2000, Chronicle of Higher Education: "If you're
picking a number because you know that number is going to favor one
group or another based on race, that's no different than a system
of explicit preferences. It's a lawsuit waiting to happen."
The Chronicle article notes that aides to Gov. Jeb Bush of Florida
said they settled on a 20-percent standard after computer models of
10-percent and 15-percent policies failed to produce enough black
and Hispanic students.
The Center for Equal Opportunity, in its amicus
brief in support of the plaintiffs in the Michigan cases, has asserted
that such programs are unconstitutional because they are designed
to ensure racial diversity. The adoption of such alternatives will
not end litigation on these topics.
More
information on the admissions lawsuits >>
January 16, 2003
Statement
by University of Michigan President Mary Sue Coleman to U-M Board
of Regents >>
January 15, 2003
Statement
by University of Michigan President Mary Sue Coleman >>